SEVEN QUESTIONS

Ted Glick
October 5 , 2004

American presidential elections are notorious for rewarding coded (and not-so-coded) racist rhetoric -- and in the wake of 2000's Florida debacle and the so-called War on Terror, there is even greater cause for alarm. For these reasons and more, anti-racist Americans are hitting the ground running; we spoke to one of them, Ted Glick of Racism Watch.

 

1. Who is Racism Watch?

The 2004 Racism Watch project (www.racismwatch.org) was initiated earlier this year by the Independent Progressive Politics Network (www.ippn.org) but has grown since to include another 40 or so organizations. We came together out of a belief that we could expect racism to be consciously used during this electoral season and that we wanted to be prepared for it. We also wanted to bring issues of racial justice into the political debate and defend the right to vote for communities of color against those who would undercut it.

2. We know from past elections -- the first George Bush and Willie Horton, Bill Clinton and Sista Souljah -- that racism is an energy tapped into through coded language during elections. Have there been any examples like this during the current campaign?

One of the first TV ads used against Kerry by the Bush/Cheney campaign, "100 Days," was released on March 11th. Dr. James J. Zogby, President of the Arab American Institute, wrote to Campaign Manager Ken Mehlman the next day and referred to a portion of the ad where "reference is made to terrorism and terrorists while highlighting a photograph of an anonymous man of Middle-Eastern descent." Zogby said, "the use of this type of imagery can only reinforce and build upon the fear and suspicion that law-abiding Arab Americans and Arab immigrants are already subject to. I ask that you immediately change the advertisement. . ." It was never changed and is still viewable on their website.

There have been reports that the Bush campaign has prepared an anti-Kerry ad using Rev. Al Sharpton as a foil, but if it has been prepared they have not yet used it. In general, the major problem that 2004 Racism Watch has identified with the campaigns of both Bush and Kerry is that they have rarely addressed racial justice issues. With some exceptions, particularly on Kerry's part, it's as if white supremacy and institutionalized racism are a thing of the past.

3. In addition to these kinds of rhetorical or culturally racial pronouncements, there are several issues of real, practical systemic racism in American politics. The most obvious is the disenfranchisement of black voters. Is the vote coming in November a free one?

There are a disturbing series of reports on actions being taken, particularly in Florida, to disenfranchise and intimidate African American voters. Former President Jimmy Carter just recently wrote in The Washington Post that he sees concrete evidence of history repeating itself in Florida through efforts to purge voter rolls in a discriminatory way and to intimidate Democrats who are helping elderly citizens vote via absentee ballot.

Republicans have utilized what they call "ballot security" operations many times over the past two decades in various parts of the country, efforts to intimidate voters, and it is likely they will do so again. However, there has been an unprecedented mobilization effort to get prepared for such efforts on the part of a number of organizations, so it is to be hoped that their efforts will help keep the election relatively "free." There is great concern about the use of electronic voting machines that have no voter-verified paper trail, no "receipt," and whose software can only be accessed by the companies which made the machines. Three of the largest companies are Diebold, Sequoia and ES&S. Diebold's owner is a major contributor to the Republican Party and has been widely quoted as saying that he is certain Bush will win the key swing state of Ohio, where the owner lives and where many of the precincts will be using electronic machines. Approximately 30% of all voters will be using such machines nationally.

4. Have "security" measures like the Patriot Act -- supported by both candidates -- made real, democratic political participation by Americans of Middle Eastern or South Asian descent impossible?

It has certainly made it much more difficult. But it has not stopped their efforts to bring about change. Probably the most significant example was the April, 2002 mass demonstration against the "war on terror" in Washington, D.C. Of the 80 000 people there, approximately half were of Arab descent.

5. Has Racism Watch endorsed -- or does it support officially -- any of the candidates for president? If not, does the mood in the organization lean a certain way?

No, we are a non-partisan organization. Individual members are supporting Kerry, David Cobb of the Green Party and independent Ralph Nader, but those are their individual choices.

6. Some voices on the Left -- opposed to the "Anybody but Bush" mantra -- have argued that Kerry, and not Bush, is the more dangerous candidate. Others, like Tariq Ali, have criticized this view as coming from a place of privilege. Can you comment on this discussion?

This has not been a discussion within the 2004 RacismWatch network, but it has taken place within some of its participating organizations. I can only speak personally and say that I agree with Tariq Ali and Noam Chomsky, among others, to the effect that though there may not be huge differences between Bush and Kerry as far as foreign policy, in particular, the differences are great enough that they must be taken into account. And to take them into account should mean, in my personal view, hoping that Bush and his administration are removed from office.

7. Will Racism Watch continue to organize after the election?

There is no question but that it will continue in some form. Racism and white supremacy will be very much still with us for a long time to come, and it is important that we stay together and determine how we can keep building a broad movement to challenge it, linking that work to the broader progressive struggle for positive social change.

-SO-

 

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