Seven Oaks Magazine.

For years the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been prolonged by a series of failed peace negotiations, enmeshing Israeli Jews and Palestinians in a seemingly intractable struggle. Even 59 years after the creation of the state of Israel the quest for Jewish security has not been realized, while Palestinians—those dispossessed in 1948, 1967, and the 3.8 million living under Israeli occupation—have not seen a just resolution to a conflict that has marred their history and shaped their identity. The international community, including many Israeli and Palestinians,stillsubscribe to the notion that the two-state solution is the only way to settle the conflict.

Ali Abunimah’s new book, One Country: A Bold Proposal to End the Israeli-Palestinian Impasse, exposes the impracticality of partition and presents an alternative vision, one that encompasses both peoples on the basis of equal rights. The vision Abunimah presents is a one state solution.

One Country begins by revealing the various layers of Israel’s occupation and the grim realities of the proposed two-state solution. The accepted international and Palestinian call for a two-state solution is based on 22 percent of historic Palestine—the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with East Jerusalem as its capital. The Palestinians (entitledunder United Nations Resolution 194) insist on the right of return to their homeland or to be duly compensated for their expulsion. Yet, no Israeli prime minister or prominent figure to date has endorsed this right, nor has any Israeli government proposed a full withdrawal from the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. Abunimahreveals that, during the Camp David talks of 2000, Israel’s most “generous” offer to the Palestinians included just 76.6 percent of the West Bank (while Israel would effectively annex East Jerusalem and the territorial waters of the Dead Sea) and demanded that “at least 80 percent of the settlers remain in place.” Abunimah further states, “Israel…insisted on permanent control of Palestinian airspace and a long list of onerous ‘security’ arrangements that would rob the Palestinian state of any real independence from Israel and introduce enormous opportunities for delay and backsliding as had happened with the Oslo Accords.”

Israel couldn’t simply withdraw from the entire West Bank. Israel’s impetus was predicated on the notion that the expansion of its borders and the enlargement of the demographic majority were necessary for its survival. Once the settlements were integrated into the Israeli narrative, successive US administrations acquiesced and declared—privately and publicly—thatIsrael was “entitled” to keep “parts” of the settlements in a final two-state solution.The settlement process, however, sectioned Palestinians off into inaccessible ghettos, dividing Palestinian land in such a way that a contiguous state became inconceivable. Israel never diverged from its initial plan to annex the settlements into the greater state. Abunimah correctly asserts, “It is not credible that a society would invest billions of dollars in roads and housing that it truly intended to give up.”

Despite Camp David 2000 and a host of other proposals, including the supposedly dovish Geneva Initiative (which scarcely deviated from the Camp David proposal), no plan has emerged that envisions two separate states and is satisfactory to both Israelis and Palestinians. An initiative has yet to be produced by the Israeli left or right that resembles anything more than a continuation of the mistakes of Oslo and the self-serving policies that emerged during its “peace process.” Abunimah argues that those on the left, such as Yossi Beilin, have advocated plans that, “seek Palestinian endorsement of Israel’s annexation of territory and its refusal to readmit Palestinian refugees to their country.” Abunimah further suggests, “The leaders of the mainstream Israeli left came to embrace Palestinian statehood in theory while undermining it in practice.” The appropriation of Palestinian land and the expansion of settlements accelerated under leftist governments, debunking the myth that “dovish” administrations worked to make peace with the Palestinians. What the Palestinians continue to need is a viable partner willing to engage with their government on the basis of equality and acceptance exemplified by action rather than words.

A new line of thinking developed during Ariel Sharon’s administration. The iron-fisted military man, once fixated on annexing the remainder of occupied Palestine, came to grips with Israel’s demographic reality: Israel could not forever control the occupied territories without eventually assuming responsibility of its inhabitants. This transition triggered the shift towards unilateralism, ironically transforming Sharon (in the eyes of the international community) from a military strongman into a “man of peace.”The views articulated through unilateral “disengagement” and represented in the platform of Sharon’s new Kadima party were nothing more than Sharon’s attempt to secure Israel’s Jewish majority, even if ensuring this necessitated militaristic and territorial reshuffling. While Israel “disengaged” from the Gaza Strip and removed 8,500 settlers (keeping full control of Gaza’s borders, airspace, and ports), it added an additional 14,000 settlers to the West Bank that same year. Given the demographic reality, separation was deemed vital, while annexing as much territory with as many settlers as possible remained the fundamental goal. Continued land appropriation, the further development of the apartheid wall, and the incessant efforts to increase the settler population have only fanned the flames of the conflict and sent a direct signal to the Palestinian people that a unilateralist Israel is not interested in peace.Abunimah asserts that unilateralism “offers Israel a Jewish-Zionist state at the price of constant bloodshed and growing Palestinian desperation, which, despite all efforts to wall it out, will deprive Israelis of the normality they crave. It is not a solution, but a dangerous delusion.”

Extremist elements in Israel are also facing a daunting certainty: the influx of Jews into the state of Israel is not rising at a stable rate, and guaranteeing a demographic majority is not possible given that the Palestinian birthrate within Israel far exceeds the Jewish birthrate. Some extremists have called for the outright expulsion of the Palestinian population living within Israel to neighboring Arab states, going further than the policy of keeping Arabs out the country and Palestinians from returning to their homes. Others have called for selective birth control laws for the Arab population, while one Russian-language newspaper, Abunimah writes, “published an article proposing that Arab men should be threatened with castration and that Arab families ‘who have more than one child’ be ‘deprived of benefits, lose their jobs, and [put] under threat of exile.’” Groups calling for the expulsion of Palestinians, such as Yisrael Beytenu and the National Union, are not fringe factions without power. The leader of Yisrael Beytenu, Avigdor Lieberman, now serves as Israel’s Minister of Strategic Affairs and as Deputy Prime Minister, while Yisrael Beytenu has been in the Kadima-led coalition government since October of 2006. Abunimah notes, “Evenif most Israeli politicians do not openly advocate expulsion, their tolerance of those who do is alarming.” The fears of such extreme policies were heightened after this summer’s war on Lebanon, which forced hundreds of thousands of Lebanese civilians to flee their homes. These extremist attitudes reinforce the failure of the Israeli “peace camp” and further illustrate theinfeasibility of the two-state solution.

Abunimah’s comprehensive criticism of the two-state solution is an insightful, well-founded argument that is essential for any reader looking for an alternative approach to resolve theconflict. Abunimah proposes that “Creating a single state for Israeli Jews and Palestinians could in theory resolve the most intractable issues: the fate of Israeli settlements built since 1967, the rights of Palestinian refugees, and the status of Jerusalem.” The alternative: perpetual conflict, absent of security for Jews or Palestinians, coupled with regional turmoil and the continuation of biased American foreign policy that stands to benefit no one except a select few in Israel, America, and a handful of quislings in the Palestinian Authority.

Over time most Israelis and Palestinians have come to the realization that no matter the settlement, the Jews and Palestinians of Israel will remain living together and the Palestinians of the occupied territories will stay on their land. Abunimah presents a solution that meets the geographical needs of both peoples. He argues, “The main attraction of a single-state democracy is that it allows all the people to live in and enjoy the entire country while preserving their distinctive communities and addressing their particular needs. It offers the potential to deterritorialize the conflict and neutralize demography and ethnicity as a source of political power and legitimacy.” Abunimah lays out a plan consisting of eight principles (based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Belfast agreement) for the one-state solution. Drawing upon such well regarded documents and models gives his argument the credibility that the two-state solution sincerely lacks. While calls for a two-state solution have come with slogans and promises of peace, little work has been done outlining what achieving peace entails.

Many Israeli Jews contend that Palestinians do not want to participate in a free and fair society with the Jews of Israel. Yet, as in most societies, issues such as economics and education bind people together—while conflict and oppression pull them apart. Abunimah points out that, “Within Israel a significant number of Arab voters have traditionally supported the Labor Party for economic and social policy reasons despite its alienating Zionist ideology.” The road to a one-state solution will not be easy, but it is the only practicable solution that ensures the security of both peoples. Abunimah often cites Belgium’s democratic process, a “modern one-person, one-vote democracy…with modest safeguards” as a model which Israelis and Palestinians can look to. Belgium continues the process of constitutional reform which, as Abunimah notes, has led to a decline in separatism in Belgian society. Many of Abunimah’s detractors fear that the one country proposal may indeed work, which would run counter to the ideals of political dominance and exclusivity. Abunimah’s insight gives reason to be hopeful, and his approach comes with a deep sincerity that should be admired and taken seriously.

Many other great thinkers, including Azmi Bishara, Joesph Massad and George Bisharat have called for a one-sate solution to end the current conflict. Abunimah asserts, “Those who believe in a two-state solution for years came to realize that it only offered false promises of peace.” It would be foolish to suggest that a one-state solution will happen overnight, while an untold number of obstacles must be overcome and surely new obstacles would emerge, but a growing number of Palestinians and Israelis are coming to the conclusion that a one-state solution is the only reasonable solution to end the impasse, which makes its realization all the more achievable. Abunimah’s book may not be the key to a one state solution, as he readily admits, but it is surely a well founded guide to help Palestinians and Israelis begin to resolve the conflict.

One Country is an inspiring message of hope and reconciliation, and presents an intricate and well-crafted path for two peoples that deserve not only reconciliation, but also a prosperous future.